China’s Lessons From
Russia’s War in Ukraine
April 12, 2022
China is learning from
Russia’s troubled war in
Ukraine to improve its
battle strategies and
prepare for economic
sanctions if Beijing
ever attacks self-ruled
Taiwan, experts believe.
The country may also be
looking harder at
peaceful solutions for
Taiwan, they say.
Russia is facing
stronger-than-expected
military resistance in
Ukraine since its
invasion on February 24,
especially in the
streets, along with
stiff Western-led
economic sanctions and
stepped-up military aid
from abroad.
Chinese officials are
eyeing ways to take over
Taiwan relatively fast
by targeting the
island’s communications
hubs and major political
institutions, some
analysts believe. They
say China would need
more logistical support
for any amphibious
attack on the island
that’s 160 kilometers
away, and a media
message to back up any
invasion.
“China at least would
learn that they’ll need
to better prepare for
sufficient logistics
support for the
amphibious operation, as
well as a great number
of munitions, such as
artillery and missiles,
if China decides to
attack Taiwan,” said
Chen Yi-fan, assistant
professor of diplomacy
and international
relations at Tamkang
University in Taiwan.
“Most importantly, China
needs to command the
moral high ground
through cognitive
warfare and media
discourse,” he said.
Russian setbacks
Ukraine said on April 3
its forces had retaken
the whole zone around
the capital, Kyiv, for
the first time since
Russia invaded. Russia
had announced around the
same time that its
military would focus on
two breakaway regions of
eastern Ukraine rather
than the capital or the
country’s interior.
The effect of Russian
firepower is
“overestimated,” while
advanced weapons systems
have “limited supplies
of ammunition,” a
retired Russian colonel
warned in February
before the war, as
quoted by the
Washington-based Center
for Strategic and
International Studies.
The colonel further
predicted bloodshed from
urban combat.
In a March 23 forecast,
the Institute of
International Finance
said Russia’s economy
will shrink by about 15%
this year because of the
war.
China vs. Taiwan
China has claimed
sovereignty over Taiwan
since the Chinese civil
war of the 1940s, when
Chiang Kai-chek’s
Nationalists lost to Mao
Zedong’s Communists and
established a presence
on the nearby island.
The two sides have been
self-ruled since then.
Taiwan-China talks broke
down in 2016 after
Taiwan President Tsai
Ing-wen took office. Her
political party opposes
unification with China.
People’s Liberation Army
air force planes fly
almost daily through a
corner of Taiwan’s air
defense identification
zone.
Beijing has never ruled
out use of force, if
needed, to unify the two
sides.
China’s most recent war
anywhere in the world
occurred in 1979, when
it took over several
cities near its shared
land border with Vietnam
but failed to stop
Vietnam from toppling
the pro-Beijing Pol Pot
government in Cambodia.
Battle preparation
China, keeper of the
world’s third strongest
armed forces, would vie
with No. 21-ranked
Taiwan in terms of
military equipment and
personnel.
Russia’s setbacks,
however, suggest that
any Chinese attack would
take time, possibly more
than China is ready for,
some experts say.
“If Beijing wants to
take Taiwan by force, it
won’t act until it’s
convinced it can win
decisively and quickly,”
James Jay Carafano, a
scholar at the Heritage
Foundation, said in a
commentary on March 8.
China would strive for a
battle focused on
disabling military
installations and
“decapitation” of
Taiwanese leaders to
ensure that no one stays
on the ground as a
“hero,” said Alexander
Huang, chairman of a
military strategy
research foundation in
Taipei. Ukrainian
President Volodymyr
Zelenskyy has appealed
to multiple sympathetic
countries for military
aid — and received it.
“I think a lot of the
discussion inside China
is how to perform a
total information
blockade so Taiwan
cannot cry for rescue,”
Huang said.
Chinese military leaders
should be rethinking
their command structure,
said Derek Grossman,
senior defense analyst
with the U.S.-based RAND
Corporation research
organization. “It is an
open question whether a
field commander can pull
the trigger in a lot of
these cases,” Grossman
said. “They may still
need to get Beijing’s
authorization.”
Bracing for sanctions
Beijing is likely to
recalibrate its
expectations for the
international response
to any attack on Taiwan,
Tong Zhao, senior fellow
at the Carnegie
Endowment’s Tsinghua
Center for Global Policy
in Beijing, told a
conference hosted by
Boston radio station
WBUR.
“China is very surprised
about the Western
response,” Zhao said. “I
think this shows that
even … Russian experts
... didn't know there
was going to be such
strong international
support to Ukraine. I
think Chinese experts
are starting to
reevaluate these
strategies and
policies.”
Officials in China are
braced only for
“limited” economic
sanctions lasting three
to five years, said
Oriana Skylar Mastro,
fellow at Stanford
University’s Freeman
Spogli Institute for
International Studies,
who spoke at the WBUR
event.
Compared to Russia,
China depends more on
other countries for
economic stability.
China is the world’s
biggest exporter of
manufactured goods with
14.7% of the world total
from 1978 to 2020, the
U.N. agency UNCTAD
estimates.
Peaceful solution
Chinese Premier Li
Keqiang, asked in early
March about Taiwan,
pledged to “advance the
peaceful growth of …
relations and the
reunification of China.”
Officials in Beijing are
probably exploring
harder now for a
nonmilitary solution,
Huang said. Taiwan and
China have been at odds
since 2016 on how to
treat each other in any
talks — as separate
countries, parts of
China or something else.
“The lessons (from
Ukraine) send a big
alert to Beijing (that)
if they cannot achieve
the goal militarily,
quickly, then it’s going
to be a geostrategic
disaster, and that might
lead Beijing to think
more about other
measures, not the
military option,” he
said.